The UN Good Offices Mission in Afghanistan and Pakistan (UNGOMAP) was established in May 1988 in accordance with the letter dated April 1988 from the President of the Security Council addressed to the Secretary-General, with the purpose to assist the Personal Representative of the Secretary-General to lend his good offices to the parties in ensuring the implementation of the Agreements on the Settlement of the Situation Relating to Afghanistan (the Geneva Accords) and in this context to investigate and report possible violations of any of the provisions of the Agreements. (UN 2002, par. 1)
Initial variables of the data collection process:
UN/UN peacekeeping policy reform
No record.
Perception of peacekeeping
The issue of intervention is seen by some sectors of the society as neocolonialism, while others see it as an opportunity to have peace and development.
Domestic political environment
Even as a monarchy, Afghanistan never had a properly functioning central government capable of exerting authority across the entire country (EIU 2006a, 11).
After the Soviet-backed communist administration crumbled, religious, regional, linguistic and ethnic divisions deepened, yielding a patchwork of often autonomous fiefdoms controlled by mutually antagonistic, power-hungry warlords, many of whom have re-emerged since the fall of the Taliban and some of whom are represented in the government. Most political groupings in Afghanistan draw their roots from the factions that arose during the fighting of the last few decades. The Northern Alliance (NA) is one of the most important, although it is not a unitary force. (Ibid.)
A massive reconstruction effort is needed. Afghanistan’s economy has been devastated by years of conflict, but has grown at rapid rates since the collapse of the Taliban government in 2001 (Ibid., 19).
The economy remains heavily dependent upon inflows of foreign aid to finance the government budget and cover the massive current-account deficit. However, donor commitment is high. The most important industry in Afghanistan is the cultivation of poppies for heroin and opium production. It remains illegal and foreign agencies have led a three-year campaign against poppy growing, but Afghanistan continues to produce well over 80% of the world’s opiates. The laundering of drug money, for example through trade in vehicles, distorts other sectors of the economy. (Ibid.)
A paramount challenge for the new Afghan government has been to create an army to counter the power of regional warlords (Ibid., 12). “The process has been slow and exhaustive” (Ibid.).
The first 600 graduates of the First Battalion of the Afghan Army passed out in April 2002, initially providing Karzai’s presidential guard. The first battalion contained officers from each of Afghanistan’s provinces, reflecting the balancing act required to create a national army. In December 2002 Karzai said an agreement had been reached to create a 70,000-strong Afghan National Army (ANA), which would be trained by the US and France. By October 2005 the ANA had around 30,000 members. In April 2003 Karzai announced plans to disarm around 100,000 militiamen, and this process, which sparked protests, began in July 2003. The disarmament process has made slow progress, however. Official figures (which are likely to be optimistic) show that 60,000 had been disarmed by mid-2005. Since December 2001 the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) has patrolled Kabul. Initially led by the UK, the ISAF was subsequently led by Turkey, and in February 2003 Germany and the Netherlands took over joint leadership of the force Their tour witnessed the first ISAF troops killed by hostile action—four German peacekeepers died on June 7 when a suicide bomber drove a taxi full of explosives into a bus that was taking them to Kabul airport at the end of their tour of duty. NATO has been in command of ISAF since August 2003. (Ibid.)
Foreign policy
Pakistan, Iran, Russia, Uzbekistan and the USA have tried to exert influence in Afghanistan. Relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan remain tense, however. Pakistan’s past role in supporting the Taliban is the source of most ill feeling (Ibid., 11). Afghanistan has accused Pakistan of not doing enough to suppress the remnants of the Taliban, many of whom are based in Pakistan (Ibid.). Thus, peacekeeping is not part of their foreign policy.
When the Soviet Union’s ten-year occupation of Afghanistan ended in 1989, the mujahideen commanders who had defeated the Red Army turned against each other. After the Taliban took control, Russia grew concerned about the threat of Islamic fundamentalism across Central Asia, and supplied arms to many anti-Taliban factions. This factor contributed negatively for the development of peacekeeping capabilities within Afghanistan. Iran has also played a growing role in the country. Among Iran’s many reasons for being interested in Afghanistan are its concern for the welfare of the Shia Hazara minority, its hopes that the remaining Afghan refugees in Iran can return home and its efforts to counter the drug trade. Iran viewed the rise of the Sunni Taliban, and Pakistan’s support for them, with concern. (Ibid.)
And due to the current situation in international security, Iran is not likely to encourage Afghanistan to development peacekeeping capabilities.
As an ethnic Uzbek, General Dostum has close ties with Uzbekistan (Ibid., 12). The Uzbek government is attempting to prevent hard line Islamists from crossing into its territory from the south and fuelling the sort of insurgency that engulfed neighboring Tajikistan (Ibid.). After the Taliban’s leader, Mullah Mohammed Omar, refused to hand over Bin Laden to the US following the September 11, 2001 attacks, the US launched a sustained bombing campaign across Afghanistan (Ibid.).
Following the Taliban’s collapse, the US backed Karzai’s installation as leader. Despite an announcement in May 2003 by the US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, that major combat operations were at an end in Afghanistan, the US has continued its hunt for the remnants of the Taliban, al-Qaeda and Bin Laden. Relations between the Afghan government and the US are strong, but the local authorities have also stressed their independence from the US. Popular support for the US presence (several thousand troops remain in Afghanistan) is variable, and especially in the south attacks on foreign troops by the Taliban are common. (Ibid.)
Additional variables found after the preliminary analysis:
Climate changes
No record.
Independent negotiations taken by DPKO to seek troops
No record.
Independent negotiations taken by contributor countries to engage non-contributor countries
No record.
Meetings organized by other international organizations to engage in dialogue about peacekeeping
